THE OXFORD COMPANION TO THE HIGH COURT OF AUSTRALIA
LAUNCH - CANBERRA 13 FEBRUARY 2002
MURRAY GLEESON
One of the greatest speeches in Australian political
history was made in the House of Representatives of the
new Commonwealth Parliament on 18 March 1902. Although the subject matter might have appeared
dry and technical, it was a passionate, aggressive speech. It was made by the Attorney-General, Alfred
Deakin, who had a fight on his hands.
He was introducing the Judiciary Bill, with the
principal object of setting up a Federal Supreme Court,
to be called the High Court of Australia, in accordance
with the mandate in s 71 of the Constitution. But there was resistance to the idea that the
Court should be set up so soon; and also to the idea that
it should, in its composition, be completely separate
from the State Supreme Courts. Some people thought it should be made up of
part-time members; a scratch court of state Chief Justices
sitting as and when available.
Deakin had to persuade Parliament and the public
of the importance of this new institution.
To do that, he explained to them the nature of
federalism. He
obviously assumed that most of his audience knew little
of federalism. It was not the British system of government;
and there were few other examples at that time. The two most prominent were the United States of America and Canada,
but in 1902 not many members of Parliament knew much about
the detail of how those countries were governed.
Deakin described his proposal as a "fundamental
proposition for a structural creation which is the necessary
and essential complement of a federal Constitution". He said there were three fundamental conditions
of a federation: first, a supreme Constitution; next,
a distribution of powers under that Constitution; and
third, "an authority reposed in a judiciary to interpret
that supreme Constitution and to decide as to the precise
distribution of powers".
The people in the federating colonies had been
given the guarantee of an "impartial independent
tribunal to interpret the Constitution". The Court, he said, would "define and
determine the powers of the Commonwealth itself, the powers
of the States … and the validity of the legislation flowing
from them". He quoted Dicey's observation that, in a federal
system, the stress of the Constitution is cast upon the
judiciary. And he also quoted Edmund Burke, described
in a revealing phrase as the greatest political philosopher
of "our nation", (Deakin regarded his nationality
as British), who said that the judicature must be something
exterior to the State, giving justice a security against
power.
There was an explanation of the differences between
the United States and Canadian systems.
Deakin saw the High Court of Australia's constitutional
role as more like the Supreme Court of the United States
than that of the Canadian Supreme Court.
He pointed out that, in Canada, federal issues
were less acute. Unlike Australia and the United States, in
Canada, the provinces had only specific heads of legislative
power, and provincial legislatures were subject to federal
veto. Appointments of provincial officials, including
judges, were made by the federal government. The distribution of power between state and
Federal governments in Australia was more like that of
the United States; as was the potential for federal dispute.
Deakin noted that the population of Australia at
the time of Federation was much the same as that of the
United States when they federated.
Deakin foresaw that the High Court, like the Supreme
Court of the United States, and unlike the Supreme Court
of Canada, would not give advisory opinions; a difference
he regarded as turning upon the special role of the judicature
in a strictly federal system.
There was one important respect in which the role
of the High Court was to be different from that of the
United States Supreme Court.
It was to have a general
appellate jurisdiction in civil and criminal cases.
Deakin's explanation to Parliament of this subject,
naturally, was influenced by the continuing role of the
Privy Council. His
predictions of the future of that body are interesting,
and revealing as to the line then being taken by the Imperial
Government in its dealings with Australia.
Deakin's speech contains one aphorism that deserves
particular emphasis, in the light of some of the entries
in the Oxford Companion. He said: "Federation is legalism". There is a tendency to refer to legalism as
if it were was invented by Sir Owen Dixon in the middle
of the twentieth century. Doubts have been expressed about its meaning.
There is not much doubt about what Deakin meant
by legalism; and there is no doubt at all that he saw
it as the key to the integrity of the Court and the stability
of the federal union.
Deakin's advocacy was not completely successful.
He persuaded Parliament to create the new Supreme
Court as required by the Constitution, and to give it
a separate and independent membership. But he pressed for five Justices, and they
would only give him three.
He pointed out that the Commonwealth was spending
three quarters of a million pounds upon war, and asked
why could it not afford ₤30,000 for justice.
The High Court commenced sitting in October 1903.
The Oxford Companion to the High Court was completed
in the year of the Centenary of Federation; it is being
launched at about the Centenary of the introduction into
Parliament of the Judiciary Bill; and next year the Court
will celebrate its Centenary.
It is a great credit to Professors Blackshield,
Coper and Williams, to their vision, their professional
skill, and their industry, that they have combined to
produce this monumental work on the history and role of
the Court, the cases it has decided, and the people who
have participated in its business. There is a need for a wider and deeper understanding
of this institution and the part it plays in the life
of the nation. This publication will make a major contribution
to such understanding.
The work is also testimony to the courage of the
Editors. The contributors have had a lot to say about many people who are
still living, and who are not famous for turning the other
cheek. As the Editors point out, this publication
is in no sense authorised by the Court.
Most of us had no opportunity to read what was
to be said about us, or to correct any factual errors.
Inevitably, in a work of this size, there will
be some. But we
have been invited to point them out to the Editors, so
that they may be corrected in the Second Edition, which
I assume is only months away.
According to the introductory material, Professor
Michael Coper was the convenor of a group of scholars
who, in 1994, first conceived this project. Its scale is remarkable. There have been 225 authors, writing on an
astonishing range of subjects, from judicial appointments
to unrepresented litigants; from socialism to sexual preferences. The work of the three Editors in defining the tasks of each author,
overseeing their contributions, and combining what they
produced, commands admiration.
I congratulate them on their magnificent achievement.
I also congratulate their research assistants,
who had a formidable task.
Praise is also due to Oxford University Press,
which had the perspicacity to recognise the value of this
project, the confidence to participate in it, and the
technical skill to produce a very handsome publication.
I was given a copy of the book before Christmas,
and I have read much of it. It is not easy to read in bed; and it is not
everybody's idea of a thriller.
But it contains a lot of information that came
as a surprise to me. Much of it, of course, consists of interpretation
and evaluation; and some of the interpretation and evaluation
differs from my own.
But that is to be expected. What is fascinating is the contrast between
the approaches of different authors to similar topics. There is a good deal of overlap between the
various subjects addressed in the book, and I have enjoyed
comparing what different people have had to say about
the same, or closely related topic. Some of the authors are law teachers and others
are legal practitioners.
Some are both.
One thing that struck me is the gulf that exists
between the view of legal institutions and of the Court
from within the Universities, and the view from within
the practising legal profession.
This has often been remarked upon by recent graduates;
but it was brought home to me most forcefully by comparing
some of the entries in this book. I do not suggest that one point of view is
more or less valid than the other.
Each side has much to learn from the other.
But I wonder if people on either side of the gulf
realise how wide and deep it is.
It suggests to me the need for some bridge-building.
The entry "Background of Justices" contains
information that will mean different things to different
people. Some of
it may be taken to mean too much; and some, too little. There is something I would like to add to it.
It is something that tells me less about the High
Court than about Australian society; and, in particular,
social mobility. Of
the present Justices of the High Court, none comes from
a family with a background in the law. In fact, no present member of the Court has
a parent who attended University.
The six out of seven of us who attended universities
all did so with the assistance of Commonwealth Scholarships,
without having to pay any tuition fees. We depended upon those scholarships for our
ability to receive a tertiary education. We received our educational opportunities during the time of Prime
Minister Menzies. The
difference between the opportunities made available to
us and those that were available to our parents produced
far-reaching changes in Australian society during the
1950's and 1960's. Its consequences are reflected in the
present composition of the Court.
This book contains an interesting and informative
entry entitled: "The Whitlam Era". An explanation of how six of the present Justices
of the Court came, unlike their parents, to have the benefit
of a tertiary education could perhaps appear in an entry
entitled: "The Menzies Era".
A challenge confronting readers of this book will
be to stand back from the detail, and to draw together
pieces of information which, in combination, reveal the
changes in the Court and its work that have taken place
over a century. Some of those changes reflect changes in Australia
itself, and in its relations with other countries, especially
the United Kingdom.
I mentioned earlier that, in 1902, Deakin made
it clear that he saw himself and Australia, as British.
He envisaged that
an Imperial appellate court, resulting from a merger of
the Judicial Committee of the Privy Council and the judicial
members of the House of Lords, would be our ultimate court
of appeal; but with a very small number of Australian
appeals. And,
as things happened, it was not until the 1980's that appeals
to the Privy Council finally ended, and the High Court
became the final court of appeal. The influence of the existence of the Privy Council upon the jurisprudence
of the Court during the twentieth century, upon the method
of judicial reasoning, and even upon the style of judgment
writing is a subject worthy of further scholarly attention.
The introduction, also late in the twentieth century,
of the requirement of special leave to appeal in civil
and criminal cases has had a major effect upon the nature
of the Court's work.
In the days when civil appeals to the Court came
as of right, so long as a relatively modest sum was involved,
much of the Court's work consisted of dealing with cases
that could be decided by the application to the facts
of settled principle.
Now we have a much greater proportion of cases
where the Court is being urged to develop the law. The Court used to get a fair share of relatively
easy cases. That
does not happen any more.
And a court that spends much of its time applying
well settled principles is bound to appear more respectful
of precedent than a court that spends most of its time
dealing with cases in which someone is trying to persuade
it to break new ground.
The creation, in 1977, of the Federal Court also
had a major impact on this Court's business.
The Federal Court was intended to take over most
of this Court's first instance work, other than its Constitutional
work, and with one notable exception, (refugee cases),
it has done so. An understanding of that change is necessary,
for example, in considering the statistics set out on
pages 164 and 165 of the book. There you will find the number of occasions on which each Justice
of the Court (except the originals) had appeared as counsel
in the Court before appointment.
In considering the bare numbers, it is necessary
to remember that, since 1977, many cases that previously
would have been argued in the High Court, especially tax
cases, are now dealt with in the Federal Court.
Counsel before 1977 argued many cases in this Court
that would later have been conducted in the Federal Court.
There are other changes as well; some superficial,
some fundamental. But one thing has remained the same. This is what was stressed by Deakin in 1902. Federation demands that the Constitution, which
embodies the terms and conditions upon which it came into
being, be interpreted and applied by a judiciary which
can be trusted to be independent and free of political
association or influence.
Deakin said that the measures he proposed represented
a fulfilment of the purposes of the Constitution, and
that they were to be judged, not by their detail, but
by their ultimate results.
The work of the High Court over a century of Federation,
is to be judged in the same way: not by its details but
by its ultimate results.
This publication will assist in making that judgment. It will also be of great value to Australians who want to know more
about their public institutions, their Constitution and
their government.
I congratulate all who have taken part in its preparation
and publication.