UNIVERSITY OF MELBOURNE LAW STUDENTS' SOCIETY
FACULTY OF LAW, 9 SEPTEMBER 1999
1999 SIR ANTHONY MASON LECTURE
CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION AND ORIGINAL INTENT
-
A FORM OF ANCESTOR WORSHIP?
The Hon Justice Michael Kirby AC CMG 1
NORTH AMERICAN INTERLUDE DOWN UNDER
Constitutional interpretation
is a fascinating subject. At least it is for judges
and constitutional lawyers. I hope that it holds some
fascination for law students as well.
I want to pose some
questions to open this lecture with a little provocation.
Do United States judges, unlike their Australian counterparts,
when ascertaining the meaning of their Constitution,
engage in a quaint ritual of ancestor worship? Are our
American colleagues so mesmerised by the awe in which
they hold the revolutionary founders of the republic
who wrote their Constitution (Jefferson, Madison, Hamilton
etc) that they feel obliged to construe the text, 220
years on, by ascertaining the intentions of those great
men at the time they wrote it, however inapt those intentions
might be to contemporary circumstances? In brief, when
a problem arises under their Constitution, is the judicial
duty to consult the historical records to find the original
intentions of the founders? Is the task "rather like
having a remote ancestor who came over on the Mayflower"2
, (akin in our case, perhaps to the Sirius ),
and asking him or her the meaning of a political document
that governs the affairs of the nation in the space
age? Are there any risks that this quaint American ritual
will travel to the Antipodes and capture the imagination
of Australia's judges in the task of interpreting the
Australian Constitution?
These were some of
the controversies about constitutional interpretation
which were debated recently in Auckland, New Zealand
at a conference on constitutionalism. Justice Scalia
of the Supreme Court of the United States and Justice
Binney of the Supreme Court of Canada gave different
answers. The former is probably the "most eloquent expositor"3
of the modern theory of originalism. He believes that,
of its nature, a written Constitution has a fixed meaning
which does not change with time and that such meaning
is the same as the words signified when the Constitution
was first adopted. Justice Binney, recently appointed
to the Supreme Court of Canada, was called upon to answer
the criticisms implicitly directed by his United States
colleague to the process of elaboration of the Canadian
Constitution and its Charter of Fundamental Rights and
Freedoms. It was in the context of defending the Canadian
approach to that task, that Justice Binney let slip
the opinion (which he suggested was held by some Canadian
judges) that the approach of their counterparts in the
United States could only be explained by appreciating
that Americans were engaged in a ritual of ancestor
worship.
The Constitutions of
the United States of America and (1776-1790); Canada
(1867); and Australia (1901) are amongst the three most
enduring of such documents in the world today. But what
do they mean? The question of constitutional interpretation
arises at the very threshold of every case in which
the constitutional text must be elucidated. The text
of the Australian Constitution - like that of the United
States and Canada - is written in language which is
brief, sometimes obscure and often ambiguous. As recent
shifts in the Court's elaboration of the meaning of
the Constitution demonstrate4
, even an assertion that a particular construction of
the text is "settled" by many past decisions does not
necessarily bolt the door against re-examination of
the Constitution if new scrutiny is considered necessary
by the majority of the Justices of the High Court. This
is why the approach to construction of the Constitution
arises at the threshold of all the great constitutional
disputes. It is one which has fascinated the Justices
themselves5
. It has attracted a great deal of writing by scholars,
both in Australia6
and overseas7
. It ought to concern all practitioners and students
of the law in a federation, like Australia, with a written
constitution adopted long ago. Citizens should know
about it.
SOME RECENT CASES AND
THEIR SIGNIFICANCE
As illustrations
of the importance of this subject, it is useful to take
three recent decisions of the High Court:
- Re Wakim8
: where the High Court upheld a challenge to the
cross-vesting legislation of the Commonwealth, States
and Territories9
. I, alone, dissented and the foundation for my
dissent was a different view about the approach
proper to the interpretation of the constitutional
provisions providing for the Judicature of Australia
and permitting it to adapt what I saw as new realities
of cooperative federalism10
.
- Sue v Hill11
: where the issue was whether the United Kingdom
was, for the purposes of s 44 of the Constitution,
a "foreign power" so that a subject or citizen of
the United Kingdom was incapable of being chosen
or of sitting as a senator in the Parliament of
Australia. Plainly, having regard to the political
realities then, the Convention debates in the 1890's
and textual provisions in the Constitution itself,
such a classification of the United Kingdom as a
"foreign power" would have been inconceivable in
1901. Yet the majority of the High Court12
expressed the conclusion that the Constitution,
read today, had that consequence. I did not necessarily
dissent from that opinion. However, I found it unnecessary
to reach a conclusion upon the question because
of the view which I13
took that the High Court, as a Court of Disputed
Returns, was not entitled to decide the matter of
qualifications before that question had been ruled
upon by the Chamber of Parliament concerned (the
Senate). One Justice14
expressed strong reservations about the "evolutionary
theory" of constitutional construction advanced
by the majority in that case.
- Ex parte Eastman15
: where the Court, over my dissent, adhered to longstanding
authority16
holding that the Australian Territories are, for
the purpose of the judiciary "disjoined" from the
Federation and that Territory courts are not "federal
courts" under the Constitution, even where they
are created by the Parliament of the Commonwealth
itself. This was a view which I could not uphold
because of the approach which I took to the task
of construing the Constitution. Whatever may have
been the position in 1901, to treat the Australian
Capital Territory and the Northern Territory today
as "non-federal" and to view their court systems
as outside the constitutionally protected right
of appeal to the High Court, did not seem to me
an acceptable construction of the Constitution,
read with the eyes of 1999.
My purpose in mentioning
these three recent and dissenting opinions of mine is
not to reargue the debates settled in those cases. That
would be tedious and inappropriate. But these three
cases show how vitally important is the way each Justice
of the High Court approaches his or her task of interpreting
the brief text of the Constitution. The three cases
raise three questions:
- Should the Justices confine themselves to ascertaining
what the words meant according to the original intentions
of the Founders, as expressed in the 1890s at the
Conventions and elsewhere so as to have an objective
and discoverable standard?
- Should they accept those intentions as being
relevant to their task; but decline to view them
as necessarily determinative of the meaning of the
Constitution as it operates in Australia today?
- Or should they regard the constitutional document
as having been set completely free in 1901 from
the intentions, beliefs and wishes of those who
drafted it so that it is viewed by each succeeding
generation of Australians with the eyes of their
own times? Should the succeeding Justices of the
High Court for its meaning and purpose in which
"the subjective intentions of the framers may not
fetter the present and the future to the distant
past"17
?
OPPOSING OPINIONS ON
ORIGINAL INTENT
In the New Zealand
conference, at which Justice Scalia was presented in
intellectual combat with Justice Binney over this issue,
each expressed, in eloquent language, the viewpoint
he espoused. It was not difficult for Justice Scalia.
He has been writing on this topic for many years, both
as a member of the Supreme Court of the United States
and extracurially. In 1997, in a book
A Matter of
Interpretation18
, he explained his viewpoint:
"The American people have been conditioned
to belief in the Living Constitution, a 'morphing'
document that means from age to age what it ought
to mean. And with the conversion has inevitably come
the new phenomenon of selecting and confirming federal
judges, at all levels, on the basis of their views
regarding a whole series of proposals for constitutional
evolution. If the courts are free to write the Constitution
anew, they will, by God, write it the way the majority
wants; the appointment and confirmation process will
see to that. This, of course, is the end of the Bill
of Rights, whose meaning will be committed to the
very body it was meant to protect against: the majority.
By trying to make the Constitution do everything that
needs doing from age to age, we shall have caused
it to do nothing at all".
Justice Scalia continued19
:
"It certainly cannot be said that a constitution
normally suggests changeability; to the contrary.
Its whole purpose is to prevent change - to embed
certain rights in such a matter that future generations
cannot readily take them away [This is] the whole
anti-evolutionary purpose of a Constitution. A Living
Constitution 'means what it ought to mean If it is
good, it is so till we have arrived at the stage when
it is publicly proclaimed, and taught at Law Schools,
that judges ought to make the statues and the
Constitution say what they think best'".
Justice Binney, for his part, appealed
to developing notions about construing statutes generally
so as to achieve and not frustrate their purposes; to
the need for the courts to respond to cases before them
which raise novel problems; to the frequent failures
of the other branches of government to do so; and to
the strongly supportive opinion of the Canadian people,
as disclosed in successive opinion polls, concerning
the work of the Supreme Court in the elaboration of
the Canadian Constitution and Charter of Rights. In
his paper, Justice Binney called in aid of his opinions
the views expressed by another distinguished North American
jurist, Chief Judge Richard Posner of the United States
Court of Appeals in Chicago20
:
"Some constitutional and other legal issues
cannot be resolved [on the facts or in terms of institutional
competence] and then the judge has two choices. One
is to say that if public opinion is divided on a moral
issue, judges should refuse to intervene, should leave
resolution to the political process. The other is
to say, with Holmes, that while this is ordinarily
the right way to go, every once in a while, an issue
on which public opinion is divided will so excite
the judge's moral emotions that he simply will not
be able to stomach the political resolution that has
been challenged on constitutional grounds I prefer
the second route".
So there one has the competing views.
The one that a Constitution is anti-evolutionary. The
other that it must be evolutionary.
The one that it is necessary to anchor a constitutional
text and its meaning in the ascertainable fact of the
intentions of the drafters in an earlier century. The
other, that this is a primitive form of ancestor worship
inappropriate to constitutional interpretation in a
modern state. The one believing that legitimacy can
be found, and found only, in legal history. The other
believing that the Constitution is a living tree which
continues to grow and to provide shelter in new circumstances
to the people living under its protection. We have had
similar debates in Australia.
It is an honour for
me to be invited to deliver a second lecture which celebrates
the work of Sir Anthony Mason, past Justice and Chief
Justice of the High Court of Australia. My earlier lecture
in this series has been published21
. It was delivered soon after my appointment to the
High Court. Now, nearly three years later I return.
The interval has made me even more respectful of, and
grateful to, Sir Anthony Mason for his work in and out
of the High Court as a modern Chief Justice, in a changing
country, in a dynamic world.
MASON AND CONSTITUTIONAL INTERPRETATION
As might be expected,
both in his judicial decisions and in his extra-curial
writing, Sir Anthony Mason has addressed the issue of
interpretation of the Constitution many times. Most
recently he did so in an essay on "The Interpretation
of the Constitution in a Modern Liberal Democracy"22
. In that essay Sir Anthony classified various approaches
to the interpretation of the Constitution: "originalism"23
; "intentionalism"24
(a variant of originalism); "literalism"25
; "progressivism" or "flexible interpretation", the
last as favoured by Chief Judge Posner26
; and various combinations of the others. Sir Anthony
Mason does not expressly align himself with any of the
doctrines. Perhaps at different times of his long
judicial career, he has invoked different theories and
applied different principles. But after recounting the
opinions of leading United States and Australian scholars,
he makes it fairly clear that the Australian High Court
has, for a long time, turned its back upon originalism
and pure intentionalism.
No clearer illustration
of this fact could be found than in the 1935 decision
that the federal Parliament's legislative power in s
51(v) of the Constitution with respect to "postal, telegraphic,
telephonic and other like services" extended to radio
(later television) broadcasting - services which did
not exist (and were not even known to) the framers of
the Constitution in the 1890s27
. Yet, Sir Anthony Mason points to various inconsistencies
in the opinions of even the greatest judges of the High
Court on this score. Thus he contrasts the reasoning
of the Engineers' Case , with its embrace of
literalism and the willingness of many of the judges
who accepted that rule to hold that implications could
nonetheless be found for the importation of rights and
obligations restrictive of a granted legislative power
and not stated in the text of the Constitution because
based on the structure of the document or upon inferences
derived from its language and purpose.
Sir Anthony Mason concludes
his survey of this subject with an emphasis which was
certainly not present twenty or thirty years ago. He
refers to the foundation of the Australian Constitution
as resting in the sovereign rights of the people of
Australia28
. Twenty or thirty years ago, especially in legal circles,
the ultimate foundation of the legitimacy and binding
force of the Australian Constitution was given, virtually
without dissent, as the Act of the Imperial Parliament
at Westminster. That Parliament had enacted the Constitution.
Its power therefore gave rise to the legal quality of
the norms which it established. Nowadays, a different
foundation for the Constitution must be found - one
consistent with its origins, history, function and method
of amendment. But that very fact illustrates, quite
vividly, the evolutionary character of the Constitution
- a fact which must affect approaches to the ascertainment
of its meaning.
Sir Anthony Mason ends
his essay on this subject by expressing the view that
a constitutional court, such as the High Court of Australia,
must interpret the constitutional charter in a way that
will "reinforce and enhance the concept of a modern
liberal democracy"29
. However he cautions30
:
"Just how far a constitutional court can
travel down such a path will be affected by the court's
own assessment of legitimacy and perceptions of legitimacy.
In other words, much depends upon the court's perception
of the underlying political philosophy of the nation,
as to the appropriate limits of the law-making function
of a non-elected judiciary".
There is no task performed by a Justice
of the High Court which is more important than the task
of interpreting the Australian Constitution. Each judge
- and indeed every lawyer - who has ever embarked upon
that task is obliged to do more than to stumble about
looking for a solution to the particular case. Intuition
and instinct about such matters are not enough. Sitting
at a desk with the Constitution in one hand and a dictionary
in the other, is also not enough. Following blindly
judicial opinions written in earlier and very different
times may not be enough, as Sue v Hill31
demonstrates. That is why it is vital that each judge
(indeed each reader of the Constitution) should have
a theory of constitutional interpretation. Only such
a theory will afford a consistent guide to a consistent
approach to be taken to the task. In the absence of
a theory, inconsistency will proliferate. The judge
will be castigated, perhaps correctly, for saying incompatible
things at different times and construing the same words
at different times in incompatible ways. Guided by Sir
Anthony Mason's introduction to this topic, I want to
add a few words as to why history and original intent
provide poor guides for the task and why it is incumbent
on us to construe the Australian Constitution as a living
document so that (as far as its words and structure
permit) it serves effectively the governmental needs
of contemporary Australians.
HISTORY IN THE HIGH COURT
To be a lawyer in Australia
is, in a sense, to be a type of legal historian. It
is an inescapable feature of the common law that judges
and other lawyers live their lives in the presence of
the great legal spirits of the past and the cases of
those people. On our bookshelves, and now in electronic
systems, are the tales of ancient conflicts and the
attempts, mostly by rational people, to come to principled
and just solutions to conflicts. Increasingly, in recent
times, the solutions have been offered in the form of
legislation. Yet for nearly seven centuries, five of
them before modern Australia was founded, cases have
been brought to the courts of our legal tradition. Their
facts have been written down. The solutions to the problems
which they presented have been expounded by judges.
Those expositions have been duly recorded. They have
been shared with colleagues at the time. They have been
sent into the future for its instruction. The power
of the judicial reasoning has been passed to new generations
for their consideration and use. The principles emerging
from a multitude of cases have gone together to make
up the great body of the common law. To be a judge in
our legal tradition, is thus to be a privileged participant
in the making of this form of legal history. The contribution
of no one, however brilliant and distinguished, is very
great or enduring. Occasionally, a towering figure of
the common law stands out only to see his or her reputation
wither as history catches up and replaces that reputation
with someone or something new.
The establishment of
the High Court of Australia in October 1903 was a critical
moment for Australia's legal history. From that event
sprang a court which, by steady achievement and a happy
mix of creativity and continuity, has won the respect
of Australians and of lawyers far away. Of necessity,
in the early years, the Justices of the Court looked
to the principles which had been fashioned in the courts
of England in the previous centuries. To some extent,
as they developed their notions of the Australian federal
constitution, they looked to the decisions of the United
States courts. The idea of federalism was, at that time
(and seemingly still is) alien to English lawyers. But
gradually, the High Court of Australia developed its
own jurisprudence. It came to use the principles expounded
by its own Justices. The State courts throughout Australia
dutifully followed the principles laid down by the High
Court, deferring occasionally to the decisions of the
Privy Council which reversed its rulings in questions
outside those constitutional matters which were, from
the start, reserved to the High Court's final decision32
.
In the beginning the
High Court was extremely cautious about the use of Australian
legal history, at least in constitutional interpretation,
so far as it arose from the debates at the Constitutional
Conventions which, in the 1890s, had fashioned and finally
settled the text of the Australian Constitution. In
the earliest decisions of the Court, it rejected the
idea that the Justices could seek enlightenment as to
the meaning of the constitutional text from the contributions
made in the debates at the Conventions in which all
of the original Justices had themselves taken part33
. In part, this rejection derived from the then current
view that language always had objectively discoverable
meanings; that such meanings were to be found by careful
study of the text and context; and that most external
and historical materials would only be likely to confuse
the task of interpretation. But in part, the attitude
may also have derived from the sure conviction of the
original Justices that they knew exactly what the Constitution
meant from their own participation in the Conventions.
They remembered. They did not need to be reminded, least
of all of the words of other delegates, some of whom
they may have held in low regard. It is difficult as
we look back on the generally high standard of the debates
of the Australasian and Australian Constitutional Conventions
of the 1890s to remember that the participants were
human beings, much as ourselves: with foibles and vanities
and weaknesses only too well known to their contemporaries.
The rejection of access
to the constitutional debates lasted many generations.
As recently as the time of Chief Justice Barwick, the
self-denying ordinance was reiterated by a decision
of the High Court34
. But then in Cole v Whitfield35
, in an unanimous opinion of the entire Court
in 1988, led by Chief Justice Mason, the old legal rule
was reversed. The books of the Convention debate were
read in open court.
To explain the true
purposes of the guarantee in s 92 of the Australian
Constitution, that trade, commerce and intercourse amongst
the States would be "absolutely free", the Justices
in Cole v Whitfield plunged deeply and unrestrainedly
into the record of the constitutional debates and into
the essays on Australian legal history by which scholars,
such as Professor J A LaNauze, had earlier analysed
those debates36
. The embargo was broken. Henceforth, the High Court
would readily agree to look to the Convention debates
to help in the ascertainment of the meaning of the Australian
Constitution. An important change in doctrine was thus
achieved by adding a new device of legal argumentation
and persuasion. Nearly ninety years later, legal history
came to the rescue of constitutional interpretation.
The study of its materials cast new light. It permitted
a new construction of the constitutional text to be
adopted. Things would never be the same again. The pretence
that constitutional interpretation required nothing
but a close and prolonged study of the text of the Constitution
was abandoned. But what is to take its place? Is it
to be the search in the Convention debates for the subjective
intentions of our founders as Justice Scalia
urges? Or is our use of those debates to be more limited?
ORIGINAL INTENT OR A TEXT SET FREE ?
To a superficial student
of Australian legal history, it might appear that the
abandonment of the prohibition on the use of the debates
in the Constitutional Conventions amounted to the acceptance
by the Australian High Court of techniques apt to the
discovery of the original intentions of the drafters.
Certainly, the study of their words in the debates of
the 1890s would tend to show what they thought the text
which they were adopting, amending or rejecting was
supposed to mean. Is this what the ruling in Cole
v Whitfield achieved? Does it embrace original intent
as the pre-eminent criterion for interpretation of the
Constitution? Does it have implications for the construction
of other lawmaking documents, such as statutes and subordinate
legislation? Is this what the judicial search for meaning
is now supposed to come up with whenever an ambiguity
arises in a legal text?
I do not consider that
this was the purpose of the use of the constitutional
debates which Cole v Whitfield mandates. Nor
do I believe it is what the High Court has done since
that decision or before. At the dawn of federation in
Australia, Andrew Inglis Clark was one of the most influential
writers on Australian constitutional law. His constitutional
text37
is particularly important because of Clark's leading
part in the committee which prepared the original draft
of the Australian Constitution. Clark was well familiar
with United States legal authority. This gave him an
advantage in the Conventions whenever the issues of
federalism had to be considered38
. Clark wrote a chapter on the interpretation of written
constitutions. This recognised that the task was to
be a novel and vital one for Australian lawyers in the
new federation.
Clark outlined a theory
of constitutional interpretation which has had an influence
from the beginning. It is one which, I believe, is gradually
emerging as the one proper to the construction of the
Australian Constitution39
:
" The social conditions and the political
exigencies of the succeeding generations of every
civilised and progressive community will inevitably
produce new governmental problems to which the language
of the Constitution must be applied, and hence it
must be read and construed, not as containing a declaration
of the will and intentions of men long since dead
but as declaring the will and intentions of the present
inheritors and possessors of sovereign power, who
maintain the Constitution and have the power to alter
it, and who are in the immediate presence of the problems
to be solved. It is they who enforce the provisions
of the Constitution and make a living force of
that which would otherwise be a silent and lifeless
document".
This doctrine of the Constitution
as a "living force" is one which has proved influential
over the years with several Justices of the High Court
of Australia40
. When an old line of authority is overturned, this
may sometimes be explained not by reference to an error
in the perception of the Justices who propounded that
authority at the time of its invention and first applications.
But rather by reference to the fact that the eyes of
new generations of Australians inevitably see the unchanged
language in a different light. The words remain the
same. The meaning and content of the words take colour
from the circumstances in which the words must be understood
and to which they must be applied41
.
In a number of recent
decisions, I have tried to expound the "living force"
view of constitutional interpretation. Thus in Re
Wakim; Ex parte McNally42
, much of the debate before the Court concerned the
meaning and operation of Chapter III of the Constitution
dealing with the Judicature. It was drawn up in a time
of established colonial (later State) courts and no
federal courts. This situation has completely changed
in a hundred years. Now the federal courts are strong,
well founded and ubiquitous. Fashioning a new relationship
between all of the courts of the integrated Judicature
established or recognised in the Constitution did not
even seem inappropriate. In the course of my reasons43
I stated why I took a view of the construction of the
Constitution different from my colleagues:
"In my respectful view the point which distinguishes
the competing opinions expressed in Gould44
(now reflected in these proceedings) concerns a conception
of the Constitution and of its capacity to adapt to
changing times, with needs vastly different from those
which existed when the text was written. I differ
from the view that the function of the Court in constitutional
interpretation is to 'give effect to the intention
of the makers of the Constitution as evinced by the
terms in which they settled that intention'45
. Once the makers' draft was settled it was submitted
to the vote of the electors of Australia. Approved
and enacted it took upon itself its own existence
and character as a constitutional charter. As Holmes
J remarked in Missouri v Holland46
:
'[The Constitution] called into life a
being, the development of which could not have been
foreseen completely by the most gifted of its begetters'.
The makers did not intend, nor did they
have the power to require, that their wishes and expectations
should control us who now live under its protection.
The Constitution is read by today's Australians to
meet, so far as its text allows, their contemporary
governmental needs"47
.
Although my view did not carry the
day in Wakim, it is interesting to compare it
with the opinion of the majority who, in Sue v Hill48
, expressed a conclusion about the meaning of
"subject or citizen of foreign power" in s 44(i) of
the Constitution. As I have said, such an idea would
not have been in the minds and subjective intentions
of the drafters of the clause and the delegates to the
Constitutional Conventions. Even at the time of the
Engineers' Case49
in 1920, the High Court declared that one of the "cardinal"
features of the Constitution was the "common sovereignty
in all parts of the British Empire" with the United
Kingdom at its head. The United Kingdom was thus not
then a foreign power in relation to Australia. It was
at the very centre of the Empire of which Australia
was an important member and Dominion. Yet, a new look,
with today's eyes, at the same phrase in s 44(i) of
the Australian Constitution has resulted in a construction
which is almost certainly the exact opposite of that
which would have been perceived by judges and ordinary
citizens in the early decades of federation. The text
remains exactly the same. But the perception of its
meaning has changed dramatically.
A study of the debates
of the Constitutional Conventions could not alter this
conclusion. That study might be helpful to stimulate
the minds of those who have the responsibility of construing
the text. It could be helpful to isolate and present
the problem for decision. But the conclusion of the
High Court in Sue v Hill is, I believe, a particularly
clear instance of the way in which Australian constitutional
jurisprudence has freed itself from the doctrine of
original intent that still has such an influence on
constitutional construction in the United States. This
is what the majority said in Sue v Hill50
:
In Bonser v La Macchia , Windeyer
J referred to Australia having become "by international
recognition competent to exercise rights that by the
law of nations are appurtenant to, or attributes of,
sovereignty". His Honour regarded this state of affairs
as an instance where"[t]he law has followed the facts".
It will be apparent that these facts, forming part
of the "march of history", received judicial notice.
They include matters and circumstances external to
Australia but in light of which the Constitution continues
to have its effect and, to repeat Windeyer J's words,
"[t]he words of the Constitution must be read with
that in mind".
There is nothing radical in doing as Windeyer
J said; it is intrinsic to the Constitution. What
has come about is an example of what Story J foresaw
(and Griffith CJ repeated) with respect to the United
States Constitution:
"The instrument was not intended to provide
merely for the exigencies of a few years, but was
to endure through a long lapse of ages, the events
of which were locked up in the inscrutable purposes
of Providence."
So what is now needed in Australia
is a consistent theory for the proper approach to the
resolution of problems of this kind. The adoption in
one case of a criterion of "the intention of the makers
as evinced by the terms in which they expressed that
intention" and the adoption in another case of something
analogous to Clark's "living force" doctrine, may suggest
an element of ambivalence about the approach to constitutional
interpretation51
which future cases will need to resolve. In my opinion,
a consistent application of the view that the Constitution
was set free from its founders in 1901 is the rule that
we should apply. That our Constitution belongs to succeeding
generations of the Australian people. That it is bound
to be read in changing ways as time passes and circumstances
change. That it should be read so as to achieve the
purposes of good government which the Constitution was
designed to promote and secure. The Australian Constitution
belongs to the twenty-first century, not to the nineteenth.
Sir Anthony Mason was right to call this
question to the notice of everyone concerned in the
operation of the Australian Constitution. He continues
to call to our attention the key issues for Australian
constitutional life, and for the destiny of our nation
as an independent state in a world of globalism and
regionalism. It is that world, above all, that requires
adaptability and imagination in the application of the
text of 1901. This is not to defeat the intention of
the Constitution and its framers. On the contrary. It
is to achieve its high and enduring governmental purposes.
Sir Anthony Mason showed
us the way. It is fitting that his leadership as a judge
and scholar should be remembered and celebrated by the
students of this Law School. It is important that we
who follow, judge and student should learn from Sir
Anthony Mason's example, and take strength from his
practical creativity in the field of Australian constitutional
law.
| 1 |
Justice of the High Court of Australia. |
| 2 |
P Brest, "The Misconceived Quest for the Original
Understanding" 60 Boston Uni L Rev 204
at 234 (1980). |
| 3 |
A F Mason, "The Interpretation of a Constitution
in a Modern Liberal Democracy" in C Sampford and
K Preston (eds) Interpreting Constitutions:
Theories, Principles and Institutions (1996)
13 at 14 (hereafter Mason). |
| 4 |
See eg Cole v Whitfield (1988) 165 CLR
360 referred to by Mason at 15. |
| 5 |
See eg Windeyer J in R v Commonwealth Conciliation
and Arbitration Commission; Ex parte Association
of Professional Engineers (1959) 107 CLR 208
at 267. See also Bonser v La Macchia (1969)
122 CLR 177 at 230. cf Brennan J in Theophanous
v Herald and Weekly Times Pty Limited (1995)
182 CLR 104 at 143. |
| 6 |
See; G Craven "Original Intent and the Australian
Constitution - Coming Soon to a Court Near You?"
(1990) 1 Public Law Review 166; J Goldsworthy,
"Originalism in Constitutional Interpretation"
(1997) 25 Fed L Rev 1; H Patapan "The Dead
Hand of the Founders? Original Intent and the
Constitutional Protection of Rights and Freedoms
in Australia" (1997) 25 Fed L Rev 211.
D Lyons "Original Intention and Legal Interpretation"
(1999) 24 Australian J Legal Philosophy 1 |
| 7 |
See eg Brest, above n 1 at 234. |
| 8 |
Re Wakim; ex parte McNally (1999) 73
ALJR 839. |
| 9 |
Cross-Vesting (Jurisdiction of Courts) Act
1987 (Cth); Cross-Vesting (Jurisdiction
of Courts) Act 1987 (NSW). |
| 10 |
See Wakim (1999) 73 ALJR 839 at 877,
my own reasons par [186] see infra . |
| 11 |
(1999) 73 ALJR 1016. |
| 12 |
Gleeson CJ, Gaudron, Gummow and Hayne JJ. |
| 13 |
Together with McHugh and Callinan JJ. |
| 14 |
Sue v Hill (1999) 73 ALJR 1016 at 1077
par [297]. |
| 15 |
Re the Governor, Goulburn Corrections Centre;
Ex parte Eastman [1997] HCA 44 |
| 16 |
Bernasconi v The King (1915) 19 CLR 629;
Spratt v Hermes (1965) 114 CLR 226; Capital
TV and Appliances Pty Ltd v Falconer (1971)
125 CLR 591. |
| 17 |
Re The Governor, Goulbourn Correctional Centre;
Ex parte Eastman [1999] HCA 44 at [87]. |
| 18 |
Ibid, at p 47. |
| 19 |
Ibid, at pp 40, 43, 44, 132. |
| 20 |
R Posner, "The Problematics of Moral and Legal
Theory" 111 Harvard L Rev 1637 at 1708
(1997). |
| 21 |
M D Kirby, "Mason - From Trigwell to
Teoh " (1996) 20 MULR 1087. |
| 22 |
See Mason, above n 2. |
| 23 |
Mason, 14. |
| 24 |
Mason, 15. |
| 25 |
Mason 16. The literalist approach was favoured
in Australian Society of Engineers v Adelaide
Steamship Co Ltd (the Engineers' case)
(1920) 28 CLR 129. |
| 26 |
Mason, 16. |
| 27 |
R v Brislan; Ex parte Williams (1935)
54 CLR 262. |
| 28 |
Mason, 30. |
| 29 |
Mason, 30. |
| 30 |
Loc cit. |
| 31 |
Sue v Hill (1999) 73 ALJR 1016. |
| 32 |
Australian Constitution, s 74. |
| 33 |
Municipal Council of Sydney v The Commonwealth
(1904) 1 CLR 208 at 213; Baxter v Commissioner
of Taxation (NSW) (1907) 4 CLR 1087 at 1104-1106
cf J Goldsworthy "Originalism in Constitutional
Interpretation" (1997) 25 Fed L Rev 1 at
13. |
| 34 |
Attorney-General (Victoria); Ex rel Black
v The Commonwealth (1981) 146 CLR 559 at 577-578;
cf D Solomon The Political High Court (1999)
224 at 225. |
| 35 |
(1988) 165 CLR 360 at 385. |
| 36 |
Ibid at 387: by reference to "A Little
Bit of Lawyers' Language: The History of 'Absolutely
Free' 1890-1900" in Martin (ed), Essays is
Australian Federation (1969), 57. |
| 37 |
A I Clark, Studies in Australian Constitutional
Law (1 st ed 1901; Legal Books
1997 reprint). |
| 38 |
F Wheeler, "Framing an Australian Constitutional
Law: Andrew Inglis Clark and William Harrison
Moore" (1997) 3 Aust J Leg Hist 237 at
242. |
| 39 |
A I Clark, above n 36, 21. Emphasis added. Noted
Wheeler, ibid, 248. |
| 40 |
For example Theophanous v Herald and Weekly
Times Ltd (1994) 182 CLR 104 at 171-173 per
Deane J. |
| 41 |
Victoria v The Commonwealth (the Payroll
Tax case) (1971) 122 CLR 353 at 396-397 per Windeyer
J. cf J Goldsworth, "Originalism in Constitutional
Interpretation" (1997) 25 Federal L Rev 1
at 16. |
| 42 |
(1999) 73 ALJR 839. |
| 43 |
Ibid at 877 par [186]. |
| 44 |
Gould v Brown (1998) 193 CLR 346. In
Gould the High Court was evenly divided
so that the challenge to the cross-vesting legislation
failed on that occasion; but it was quickly renewed
and in Re Wakim it succeeded. |
| 45 |
Re Wakim; Ex parte McNally (1999) 73
ALJR 839 at 848. This was the view stated by McHugh
J in Re Wakim (par [35]). |
| 46 |
252 US 416 at 433 (1920) cited in Spratt
v Hermes (1965) 114 CLR 226 at 272 per Windeyer
J. |
| 47 |
See Spratt v Hermes (1965) 114 CLR 226
at 272 per Windeyer J. |
| 48 |
(1999) 163 ALR 648 at 675, 692. |
| 49 |
(1920) 28 CLR 129 at 146. |
| 50 |
Sue v Hill (1999) 73 ALJR 1016 at 1027
(citations omitted). |
| 51 |
P Schoff, "The High Court and History: It Still
Hasn't Found[ed] What It's Looking For" (1994)
5 PLR 253; cf Wheeler above n 37 at 239. |