AUSTRALIAN NATIONAL UNIVERSITY
FACULTY OF LAW
CONFERENCE ON IMPLEMENTING
INTERNATIONAL HUMAN RIGHTS
SATURDAY 6 DECEMBER 1997
DOMESTIC IMPLEMENTATION OF INTERNATIONAL
HUMAN RIGHTS NORMS
The Hon Justice Michael Kirby
AC CMG
INCORPORATED INTERNATIONAL
LAW
In Australia, to use the categories mentioned by
Dame Rosalyn Higgins in her most recent book, we have followed the dualist theory of the
relationship between international and national law. Until now, there have been two essentially different legal systems,
existing side by side, within different spheres of action -
the international plane and the domestic plane. In 1982 Justice Mason succinctly
described the common law principle applicable in Australia
thus:
"It is a well-settled
principle of the common law that a treaty not terminating
a state of war has no legal effect upon the rights and duties
of Australian citizens and is not incorporated into Australian
law on its ratification by Australia. ... In this respect Australian
law differs from that of the United States where treaties
are self-executing and create rights and liabilities without
he need of legislation by Congress.
... As Barwick CJ and Gibbs J observed
in Bradley v
The Commonwealth, the approval by the Commonwealth Parliament of the Charter of the
United Nations in the Charter
of the United Nations Act 1945 (Cth) did not incorporate
the provisions of the Charter into Australian law.
To achieve this result the provisions have to be
enacted as part of our domestic law, whether by Commonwealth
or State statute. Section
51(xxix) [the external affairs power] arms the Commonwealth
Parliament ... to legislate so as to incorporate into our
law the provisions of [international conventions]."
I have divided this contribution, like Caesar's Gaul,
into three parts. In the first, I will deal with the increasing
number of cases coming before the High Court of Australia
which involve international treaties having relevance to
basic human rights and which have been incorporated into
domestic law. In the past, that section would have been a
comparatively brief one.
However, even in the short time that I have served
on the High Court, the number of cases directly or indirectly
raising such points has been significant. There is every prospect that the number will continue to increase. This is the world we are living in. It is a world of increasing preoccupation with
fundamental human rights, expanded expression of such rights
in international instruments and a steadily rising willingness
on the part of the Australian Parliament, to enact laws
giving domestic effect to such international treaty obligations.
It is also interesting to observe how, in default
of a comprehensive charter of rights in the Australian Constitution,
litigants and lawyers are turning to international law in
the quest for a peg on which to hang arguments designed
to persuade Australian courts that part of international
jurisprudence has been, or should be, incorporated by judicial
decision.
A measure of the recognition of the growing impact
of international law on Australian law, and thus on its
judiciary and legal profession, is this conference.
It follows closely upon a conference of the University
of Sydney in which the impact of international law on Australian
law was explored. The
opening address at that conference was delivered by my colleague,
Justice Gummow. It cannot be entirely coincidental
that within a week, the two of us have been asked to speak
on related themes.
During the period that Justice Gummow and I have
sat together on the High Court, several cases have been
presented for decision in which the Court has been required
to examine international treaty law and the jurisprudence
which has gathered around it.
Most of the cases have involved Full Courts.
However, in two cases, points were raised before
me as a single judge.
This is not the occasion to analyse, at any length,
the decisions to which I refer.
It is sufficient simply to note them:
*
In Minister
for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs v Wu Shan Liang, the Court was required to return to the meaning and operation of
the Refugees Convention, being the Convention
Relating to the Status of Refugees which was done at
Geneva on 28 July 1951 as amended by the Protocol relating
to the Status of Refugees which was done at New York on
31 January 1967. The
Convention, so
amended, is incorporated into Australian domestic law by
the provisions of the Migration Act 1958 (Cth). In Chan v Minister for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, the Court had considered the test to be applied. Wu's
case was concerned with how the chance of persecution
was to be ascertained from the multiple facts presented
to the administrative decision-maker and the courts, given
the inherent difficulty of predicting the future, should
the putative refugee to be returned to the country of origin
or nationality.
*
In Applicant
A v Minister for Immigration and Ethnic Affairs, the Court again considered the definition of "refugee"
and specifically that part of the Convention
definition which refers to "membership of a particular
social group". The
applicants were Chinese nationals.
They had sought asylum in Australia on the basis
that they were parents of a child born in China and, if
returned to China, would face forcible sterilisation under
that country's one child policy.
The Minister did not dispute that forcible sterilisation
would amount to persecution, the well-founded fear of which
by members of a particular social group would give rise
to "refugee" status. However, he contended that any such persecution would not be "owing
to" the appellants' membership of any particular social
group. On that question
the Court divided. The
majority (Dawson, McHugh and Gummow JJ) held that the
appellants were not members of a "particular social
group". Accordingly,
they were not refugees.
Chief Justice Brennan and I dissented.
The Chief Justice pointed out that protection of
fundamental rights and freedoms was an object of the Convention,
reflected in the definition of "refugee" adopted
in domestic law in terms of the Convention. All of the opinions in the
Court reviewed the international jurisprudence which has
developed around the ambiguous language of the Convention.
*
In De L v
Director-General, NSW Department of Community Services, the Court was required to construe the Convention on the Civil Aspects of International Child Abduction (1980). Subsequently, the Court returned
to the language of that Convention in order to construe
Regulation 7 of the Family Law (Child Abduction Convention)
Regulations (Cth) made in exercise of the power conferred
by the Family Law
Act 1975 (Cth), s 111B(1). Once again, the Court was
concerned to reflect, in the meaning given to national law,
the language and purpose of an international treaty to which
Australia is a party which had been incorporated into Australian
domestic law.
*
Two Full Court decisions,
which stand for judgment, concern aspects of Australia's
international obligations. The first, Project Blue Sky Inc and Ors v Australian Broadcasting Authority has nothing much to do with human rights. It relates to the Australia
New Zealand Closer Economic Relations-Trade Agreement
and the Trade in Services Protocol to the Trade Agreement
said to be referred to, and incorporated in Australian law,
by the Broadcasting
Services Act 1992 (Cth). Under that Act the Authority
is required to perform its functions in a manner consistent
with "Australia's obligations under any Convention
to which Australia is a party".
Several federal statutes and regulations have provisions
similar to that referred to in the Blue Sky case. Clearly, legislative injunctions
of this kind will become more common. Somewhat more relevant to human rights are the issues in Qantas Airways Ltd v Christie. That case involves alleged
discrimination against a Qantas air pilot on the ground
of his age, contrary to obligations accepted by Australia
and laid down by the International Labor Organisation.
*
One case which peripherally
concerned international human rights norms was Croome v
Tasmania. The case was to have involved
the constitutional validity of the Human
Rights (Sexual Conduct) Act 1994( Cth).
That Act was the vehicle for incorporating into Australia's
domestic law the requirement of sexual privacy held by the
United Nations Human Rights Committee to be inherent in
the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights to which Australia
is a party. A preliminary point was taken in the case.
It concerned the standing of the applicants.
When that point was determined against the State
of Tasmania, the constitutional question seemed ready for
hearing. However,
the Criminal Code (Amendment) Act 1997 (Tas)
was then enacted, obviating the necessity to consider the
constitutional validity of the federal statute. The law criminalising adult,
consensual homosexual conduct was amended. The case of Mr Toonen and Mr Croome illustrates quite
vividly the way in which international human rights law
can sometimes stimulate, or require, change in Australia's
domestic laws.
*
Linden v
Commonwealth of Australia [No 2] was a case which was heard by me, sitting alone. It involved an application by the Commonwealth
to strike out a statement of claim. That document sought declarations in large part parallelling the
questions submitted at the same time to the International
Court of Justice. Those
questions sought an Advisory Opinion concerning the illegality
of the threat or use of nuclear weapons. The proceeding was, in a
sense, a continuation of earlier attempted challenges by
Mr Linden, to the Joint Defence Space Research facility
near Alice Springs (commonly known as "Pine Gap"). The process was struck out.
A similar fate befell a statement of claim filed
by the plaintiff in Thorpe v
Commonwealth of Australia [No 3]. Again, I dealt with the matter in the
Practice list of the High Court.
Mr Thorpe, an Aboriginal Australian, had sought
a declaration that the Commonwealth was obliged by fiduciary
duty to "move in the United Nations General Assembly
for an Advisory Opinion from ... the International Court
of Justice as to the separate rights and legal status of
the original peoples of this land". The Commonwealth argued that
any such declaration would involve a wholly impermissible
invasion of the constitutional prerogatives of the Executive
Government. I upheld the Commonwealth's
submission, concluding:
"The Court has no
knowledge of the many considerations which would have to
be taken into account in deciding whether Australia should
seek such a resolution from the General Assembly. It has no means of knowing how any such application
would affect Australia's international relations generally
or its relations with particular countries or its other
activities within the United Nations and its agencies.
These are all matters which the Australian Constitution
reserves to the executive government of the Commonwealth.
They defy judicial application.
They turn on a multitude of considerations unknown
to this Court. They
are matters upon which the Australian government speaks
to the international community with a single voice.
That voice is the voice of the executive government
chosen from the Parliament elected by the people of Australia.
It is not the voice of this Court."
Mr Thorpe's case is an illustration
of developments which have been seen in other jurisdictions,
notably the United States of America, wherein parties, discontented with what they see as the conduct of
domestic and foreign policy, resort to the courts in the
hope of securing orders directed to the Executive.
It will be obvious from my reasons in Thorpe
that I consider that great care must be taken by courts
against intruding impermissibly into the conduct of the
external affairs of the nation.
The foregoing cases, together with others decided
by the Court shortly before I joined it, illustrate well enough the increasing number of matters coming before
the Court in which some aspect of international law is raised
for decision. Perhaps
because of cut-backs in government funded legal assistance,
the number of litigants in person appearing before the Court
is increasing. This
is also a phenomenon in the State and federal appellate
courts. Obviously, without skilled legal representation,
it is likely that ill-conceived or misunderstood principles
of human rights, referred to in international law, will
be invoked by such litigants in the hope that they can over-ride
the domestic law which is the apparent impediment to relief. An appreciation of the true
relationship between international law and domestic law
is not always enjoyed by trained lawyers.
It should therefore not come as a surprise that it
is not fully understood by laymen who commonly expect international
law to over-ride domestic law and to be capable of doing
more than ordinarily it can.
JUDICIAL UTILISATION
OF UNINCORPORATED NORMS
The Bangalore Principles:
Even in cases where international law has not, by
legislation or valid Executive action, been incorporated
into national law, there are occasional circumstances where
that law may be used by judges and other independent decision-makers
in the national legal system to influence their decisions. This is particularly so in the case of international
human rights principles as they have been expounded, and
developed, by international and regional bodies.
An expression of what I take to be this
modern approach was given in February 1988 in Bangalore,
India, in the so-called Bangalore
Principles. The meeting was chaired by Justice P N. Bhagwati, a former Chief Justice
of India. I was
the sole participant from Australia.
Amongst the other participants were Mr Anthony Lester
QC (now Lord Lester of Herne Hill), Justice Rajsoomer Lallah
(later Chief Justice of Mauritius) and Justice Enoch Dumbutshena
(then Chief Justice of Zimbabwe).
Joining these and other Commonwealth participants
was a judge of the Federal Appeals Court in the United States,
Ruth Bader Ginsburg (now a Justice of the Supreme Court
of the United States of America).
Means of applying international law:
Relevantly, the Bangalore Principles state, in effect:
(1) International law (whether human rights
norms or otherwise) is not, in most common law countries.
part of domestic law.
(2) Such law does not become part of domestic
law until Parliament so enacts or the judges (as another
source of law-making) declare the norms thereby established
to be part of domestic law.
(3) The judges will not do so automatically, simply
because the norm is part of international law or is mentioned
in a treaty – even one ratified by their own country.
(4) But if an issue of uncertainty arises (by
a gap in the common law or obscurity in its meaning or ambiguity
in a relevant statute), a judge may seek guidance in the
general principles of international law, as accepted by
the community of nations.
(5) From this source material, the judge may ascertain
and declare what the relevant rule of domestic law is. It is the action of the judge, incorporating
the rule into domestic law, which makes it part of domestic
law.
In terms, the Bangalore Principles declare:
"[T]here is a growing
tendency for national courts to have regard to these international
norms for the purpose of deciding cases where the domestic
law - whether constitutional, statute or common law -
is uncertain or incomplete."
"It is within the
proper nature of the judicial process and well-established
judicial functions for national courts to have regard to
international obligations which a country undertakes -
whether or not they have been incorporated into domestic
law - for the purpose of removing ambiguity or uncertainty
from national constitutions, legislation or common law."
Some Australian lawyers (and not a few
judges), brought up in the tradition of the strict dualism,
were inclined at first to regard the Bangalore
Principles as heretical.
They preferred earlier English decisions such as
R v Secretary of State for the Home Department;
Ex parte Bhajan Singh which expounded the classical divide. They regarded with scepticism the amount of assistance which could
be derived in their busy work as judges from an international
treaty, other international law or the pronouncements of
international or regional courts, tribunals and committees.
They were observing, in effect, the ordinary response
of the dualists.
Judicial
pronouncements:
In the ten years since Bangalore, something
of a sea change has come over the approach of courts in
several common law countries.
In Australia, the clearest indication of the change
may be found in the remarks of Justice Brennan (with the
concurrence of Chief Justice Mason and Justice McHugh) in
Mabo v Queensland [No. 2]. In the course of explaining
why a discriminatory doctrine, such as that of terra nullius (which declined recognition to the rights and interests
in land of the indigenous inhabitants of a settled colony
such as Australia) could no longer be accepted as part of
the law of Australia, Justice Brennan
said:
"The expectations
of the international community accord in this respect with
the contemporary values of the Australian people.
The opening up of the international remedies to individuals
pursuant to Australia's accession to the Optional Protocol
to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights
brings to bear on the common law the powerful influence
of the Covenant and the international standards it imports.
The common law does not necessarily conform with
international law, but international law is a legitimate
and important influence on the development of the common
law, especially when international law declares the existence
of universal human rights.
A common law doctrine founded on unjust discrimination
in the enjoyment of civil and political rights demands reconsideration.
It is contrary both to international standards and
to the fundamental values of our common law to entrench
a discriminatory rule which, because of the supposed position
on the scale of social organisation of the indigenous inhabitants
of a settled colony, denies them a right to occupy their
traditional lands."
To similar effect were remarks of the English Court
of Appeal in Derbyshire County Council v Times Newspapers
Limited, a decision later affirmed by the House of Lords, giving expression to a similar application of universal human rights.
In New Zealand, a like trend has also emerged.
In that country, the position is somewhat different
from that of Australia and England, by reason of the enactment
of the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act 1990 and the Human Rights Act 1993 (NZ). The extent of a possible
obligation on the part of New Zealand Ministers to have
regard to international human rights norms was considered
by the New Zealand Court of Appeal in Tavita v Minister of Immigration. Delivering the interim judgment
of the New Zealand Court of Appeal, in that case concerning
expulsion of an illegal immigrant, Justice Cooke( as Lord
Cooke of Thorndon then was) stopped short of deciding that
international obligations must be considered in the performance of the administrative decision-making
process. Nevertheless,
he reviewed the jurisprudence under the European
Convention established by decisions of the European
Court of Human Rights. He then said that this was
an area of the law which was "undergoing evolution":
A failure to give practical
effect to international instruments to which New Zealand
is a party may attract criticism.
Legitimate criticism could extend to the New Zealand
Courts, if they were to accept the argument that, because
a domestic statute giving discretionary powers in general
terms does not mention international human rights norms
or obligations, the Executive is necessarily free to ignore
them."
In New Zealand, although the New Zealand Bill of Rights Act, is not
constitutionally entrenched, it gives an established framework
for reference to international jurisprudence.
The same is also true in the countries of the newly
independent Commonwealth which have written constitutions
incorporating a Bill of Rights reflecting universal rights.
In Australia and England there is no similar
charter of enforceable rights.
However, this has not stopped the courts, in the
manner suggested in the Bangalore
Principles, from utilising international law where an
appropriate gap appears in the common law or a statute falls
to be construed which is ambiguous. Increasingly, judges of the common law tradition, faced with such
a problem, are turning not simply to the analogous reasoning
which they can derive from the judicial opinions written,
often in a different world for different social conditions,
far away. Now, increasingly,
they are looking, where relevant and applicable, to international
human rights jurisprudence.
In my view, this is both a natural and
a desirable development of our marvellously flexible and
adaptable common law legal system.
It is one which is in general harmony with the development
of the international law of human rights.
It is one appropriate to the times we are living
in.
Words of caution:
Critics of the developments which I have
just outlined list a number of considerations which need
to be taken into account as judges venture upon this new
source of principle for judicial law-making.
The expressed concerns include:
·
Treaties are typically negotiated
by the Executive Government.
They may, or may not, reflect the will of the people,
expressed in Parliament for sometimes the Executive does
not control Parliament or both Houses of Parliament.
·
The processes of ratification
are often defective. There is now, in Australia, a lively
discussion of the need to improve the procedures for the
ratification of international treaties and to provide for
pre-ratification scrutiny by the Federal Parliament.
·
In federal countries, such
as Australia, Canada, Malaysia, etc, special concern may
be expressed that the ratification of international treaties
could be used as a means to undermine the constitutional
distribution of powers between the Federal and State legislatures
in a way incompatible with the constitution's basic structure.
·
Judicial introduction of
human rights norms may sometimes divert the community from
the more open, principled and democratic adoption of such
norms in constitutional or statutory amendments which have
the legitimacy of popular endorsement.
·
Some commentators have also
expressed scepticism about the international courts, tribunals
and committees which pronounce upon human rights.
They argue that often they are composed of persons
from legal regimes very different from our own.
·
To similar effect, critics
have pointed to the broad generality of the expression of
the provisions contained in international human rights instruments.
Of necessity, these are expressed in language which
lacks precision. This
means that those who use them may be tempted to read into
their broad language what they hope, expect or want to see.
Whilst the judge of the common law tradition has
a creative role, such creativity must be in the minor key.
The judge must proceed in a judicial way.
He or she must not undermine the primacy of democratic
law-making by the organs of government, directly or indirectly
accountable to the people.
·
Finally, some critics warn
against undue, premature undermining of the sovereignty
of a country by judicial fiat without the authority of the country's
democratically accountable law-makers. The latter is, generally, the proper institution to develop human
rights in the country's own way.
Support for the Bangalore Principles:
Against the foregoing considerations, the supporters
of the Bangalore Principles point to a number of factors which must be kept
in mind in the evolving jurisprudence to which I have referred:
·
The Bangalore Principles do not undermine the sovereignty of national
law-making institutions.
They acknowledge that if those institutions have
made (by constitutional, statutory or common law decision)
a rule which is unambiguous and binding, no international
human rights principle can undermine or overrule the applicable
domestic law. To
introduce such a principle requires the opportunity of a
gap in the common law or of an ambiguity of a local statute.
Far from being a negation of sovereignty, this is an application
of it.
·
The process which the Bangalore Principles endorse is an inevitable
one. As countries
submit themselves to the external scrutiny and criticism
of their laws by the United Nations Human Rights Committee,
the results must be addressed. If a domestic law is measured and found wanting,
a country must bring its law into conformity or be revealed
as engaged in nothing but "window-dressing".
·
The concept of democracy
today is more sophisticated than was formerly the case.
It involves not merely the reflection in law-making
of the will of the majority, intermittently expressed at
elections. The legitimacy of democratic governance is now seen as depending
upon the respect by the majority for the fundamental rights
of minorities.
·
So far as federal states
are concerned, their constitutions do not stand still. They
operate in a world of increasing international interrelationships
in matters of economics and of human rights.
Judges, no more than legislatures and governments,
can ignore this reality.
·
The knowledge that the judicial
use of international law in this way is now becoming more
frequent may have the beneficial consequence of discouraging
ratification by the Executive where there is no serious
intention to accept, for the nation, the obligations contained
in a treaty.
·
The international development
of local laws is already happening outside the judiciary. In this regard I have already referred to the way in which express
legislation has been used to introduce human rights principles
into domestic law. The
Human Rights (Sexual Conduct) Act 1994 (Cth) is simply the most vivid
illustration in Australia.
There are many others.
In the way of these things I expect the
Bangalore Principles
to continue to influence the judicial method
in Australia. The
tradition of the common law has always been open to outside
and international influences. It is appropriate that a rapprochement between domestic and international
law should be developed.
As we enter a new millennium there will be increasing
international law of every kind. It is part of the genius
of our legal system that the courts should find a way to
take cognisance of international human rights jurisprudence
in appropriate cases and do so by appropriate and familiar
techniques of judicial reasoning.
AN INTERPRETATIVE CONSTITUTIONAL
PRINCIPLE
I come to the third part of this paper.
It concerns a possible development by which, in appropriate
cases, international human rights norms may influence the
interpretation of a national constitution in a provision
which is relevant to fundamental human rights.
In several countries where written constitution incorporate
a charter of fundamental rights and freedoms, it is not
unusual to find constitutional courts construing the provision
of the national constitution in the light of the jurisprudence
that has developed around the same or similar words in international
or regional human rights instruments. Many modern constitutions have adopted constitutional statements
of rights which are identical, or very similar, to those
contained in international treaties such as the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights. In such cases, it is natural for municipal
courts to have resort to the interpretation of such provisions
by international bodies which have the primary responsibility
of giving meaning to their language.
In one of the last cases decided by the Privy Council
on appeal from the Court of Appeal of Hong Kong, their Lordships
in Fok Lai Ying v
Governor in Council, had to consider an attack on a resumption of portion of the appellant's
land. The challenge
was based, inter
alia, on the principles of the Hong
Kong Bill of Rights Ordinance 1991 (HK).
The purpose of that Ordinance was to provide for
the incorporation into the law of Hong Kong of provisions
of the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights.
The Privy Council accepted that, because of relevant
differences between the provisions of the European Convention
and the Covenant, it was more relevant, in the case of Hong
Kong, to have regard to the comments and opinions of the
Human Rights Committee of the United Nations than decisions
of the European Court of Human Rights.
Their Lordships observed:
"Accepting that as
far as reasonably possible a court in applying Article 14
of the Hong Kong Bill of Rights should confine itself to
the concrete case before it ... [Their Lordships] are not
willing to reject the conclusion that Section 3 of the Resumption
Ordinance should now be construed, at least where the compulsory
acquisition of a home or part of a home is at stake, to
require a fair procedure including a reasonable opportunity
of objection."
The appellant's case failed
on the facts. The
Privy Council could find nothing to suggest that, in that
case, the procedures of resumption were unfair, arbitrary
or unlawful. But
it is to be noted that they used the relevant international
jurisprudence to give meaning to the local provision which
had already acquired something of a constitutional character.
In Newcrest
Mining v The Commonwealth the High Court of Australia was divided in the interpretation of a
provision in the Australian Constitution.
That constitution contains, in s 51(xxxi), a
guarantee of a fundamental character that the "acquisition
of property from any person for any purpose in respect of
which the Parliament has power to make laws" shall
only be on "just terms".
The point of division in the High Court was whether,
as previous authority had held, such guarantee had no application to Commonwealth acquisitions in
a territory, in that case the Northern Territory of Australia. It is unnecessary to analyse the differences
within the Court. They
appear in the report of the case.
In the course of giving my reasons, I referred to
an interpretative principle which I now wish to mention.
On a constitutional question which, in my opinion,
was otherwise finely balanced, I expressed the view that
it was appropriate for judges to favour the construction
which would conform to the principles of universal and fundamental
rights rather than an interpretation which would involve
a departure from such rights. Adopting that approach confirmed
my view that the true construction of the Australian Constitution
required the application of the just terms requirement to
federal acquisitions wherever occurring, whether in a state
or territory. I said this:
"Australian law,
including its constitutional law, may sometimes fall short
of giving effect to fundamental rights.
The duty of the Court is to interpret what the Constitution
says and not what individual judges may think it should
have said. If the
Constitution is clear, the Court must (as in the interpretation
of any legislation) give effect to its terms.
Nor should the Court adopt an interpretative principle
as a means of introducing, by the back door, provisions
of international treaties or other international law concerning
fundamental rights not yet incorporated into Australian
domestic law. However,
as has been recognised by this Court, and by other courts
of high authority, the inter-relationship of national and
international law including in relation to fundamental rights
is 'undergoing evolution'.
To adapt what Brennan J said in Mabo v
Queensland [No 2], the common law, and constitutional
law, do not necessarily conform with international law.
However, international law is a legitimate and important
influence on the development of the common law and constitutional
law, especially when international law declares the existence
of universal and fundamental rights. To the full extent that its text permits, Australia's
Constitution, as the fundamental law of government in this
country, accommodates itself to international law, including
in so far as that law expresses basic rights.
The reason for this is that the Constitution not
only speaks to the people of Australia who made it and accept
it for their governance.
It also speaks to the international community as
the basic law of the Australian nation which is a member
of that community."
So far as I am aware, this is the first time, in
Australia, that the Bangalore Principles have been extended
to constitutional interpretation.
Some may dispute this course.
Originalists would doubtless point out that international
law was undeveloped at the time that the Australian Constitution
was made and thus could not have influenced its making. Traditionalists might point
out that this is a novel idea, not previously expressed
in nearly a century of constitutional interpretation.
Opponents could question the influence upon Australian
law of unincorporated international law, particularly in
the context of a charter of government.
However, originalism is not a governing principle
for construing the Australian Constitution, however helpful
it sometimes is to understand what the Founders thought
they were getting at. As
the Constitution's formal amendment is extremely difficult
to achieve, it must be expected that it will be interpreted
broadly to meet wholly unpredicted and unforeseen circumstances,
such as aviation, radio and television. Amongst the unexpected circumstances to which
the Australian Constitution must now adapt is the changing
role of the Australian federal government within the international
community, the growth of international law generally and
of international human rights law in particular.
The fact that a new interpretative principle is perceived,
to meet new circumstances, should not come as a complete
surprise. The fact
that the Australian Constitution must now operate in a different
international milieu is so obvious that it scarcely requires
mention. Should not the construction of that document
adapt to that milieu, as so much else has had to do?
It will remain to be seen whether this interpretative
principle attracts judicial support.
One of the lessons of judicial life is that today's
heresies sometimes become tomorrow's orthodoxy. In my 23 years of judicial service I have seen
this happen so often that I have ceased to be surprised
by it.
A NEW WAY OF THINKING
The age of reconciliation of international and national
law has dawned in Australia.
It has come in advance of the new millennium.
It is a development as natural to the age as jumbo
jets, international informatics, pandemics, global warming
and the international economy.
In this little planet, we are all ultimately bound
together. Diminution in the human rights of others endangers
peace and security elsewhere and offends the sensibilities
of people everywhere, who are increasingly well informed
on such matters. The system of the common law is marvellously
adaptable to change. Those
who have reflected upon its past, in the millennium that
is passing, will be in no doubt as to its capacity to adapt
to the challenges of the millennium soon to start.
In the law, those challenges clearly involve the
evolution of a new relationship between international and
national law. The
new relationship is coming, as the many cases which require
the application of international law expressly incorporated
by local legislation or valid Executive act demonstrate.
It is coming by the use of international human rights
jurisprudence filling the gaps of the common law and helping
to construe ambiguous legislation to conform with that law.
And, in my view, it is coming as an interpretative
principle to assist in the ascertainment of the meaning
of national constitutions where they provide guarantees
of fundamental rights and freedoms.
It is an exciting and constructive time of legal
creativity. But
the ultimate question is whether judges and other lawyers,
trained until now to think strictly in jurisdictional terms,
can adapt their minds to a new way of thinking that is harmonious
to the realities of the world about them.