MEDICAL
MALPRACTICE - AN INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVE OF TORT SYSTEM
REFORMS
The
Hon Justice Michael Kirby AC CMG
GROWTH OF MEDICAL
MALPRACTICE
In a New York Hotel my eyes fell upon the telephone
book: always a good read in a foreign city.
Imagine my surprise to find on the cover multiple tear-away
slips informing me that a named attorney, with a toll free
call line, would give me a free consultation in home or
hospital for "all types of accidents & medical
malpractice". My lawyer's eye discerned that
medical malpractice was not classified as a type of "accident".
It was in a category all of its own. The logo of a
speeding car left me in no doubt that a lawyer could be
with me in a moment, in a twinkling of an eye. If
only I could think of some medical malpractice. His
sticky advertisement promised me: "We stick with
you".
There is no doubt that in the United States, Britain,
Australia and many other countries medical negligence cases
are on the increase.
In Australia, this has produced conflicting proposals.
The President of the Australian Medical Association, Dr
Kerryn Phelps, told a seminar in Sydney in February 2000:
"Tort law reform is a crucial issue
for the ... Australian medical profession, and it would
not be an overstatement to say that the situation has reached
boiling point. Over the past eighteen months there
has been a growing chorus of calls for the [Australian Medical
Association] to work with government to do something to
address the blow-out in medical indemnity premiums.
This was brought to a head late last year with a call from
the Victorian Medical Indemnity Protection Society demanding
a full year's subscription from all members. ... We
have reached a situation where clinicians in a number of
fields are obliged to carry an unrealistic premium burden.
This cannot be sustained on a long term basis. ...
The effects are already being felt. Anecdotally, we
are aware that many obstetricians are leaving obstetrics.
One of the first group to "down tools" is the
rural GP obstetricians. These rural services are not
easy to replace, and communities in rural areas are already
frustrated and angry about their declining health services.
... If we look at the trends in the United States, it is
clear that the writing is on the wall for us here in Australia.
... [T]he American experience is a prediction of things
to come in Australia and we would do well to take note".
Two months later, the President of the Australian
Plaintiff Lawyers' Association, Dr Peter Cashman, described
talk of this kind as over-emotional:
"There appears to be increasing
hysteria within the medical profession of the so-called
medical negligence crisis. Various groups are now
actively lobbying to restrict victims' rights and to reduce
damages. At a recent seminar on tort reform organised
by the Australian Medical Association ... in conjunction
with the United Medical Protection Limited, various doctors
spoke of their increasing disquiet. ... Courts were
said to be imposing liability on the medical profession
in the absence of any element of fault or negligence.
Judges were described as modern Robin Hoods. ... Defensive
medicine was said to be on the increase. ... [However]
a number of research studies, both in the United States
and in Australia have confirmed that only a very small percentage
of injured patients or relatives of patients who have died
as a result of apparent negligence ever sue".
As usual, this debate between leaders of the medical
and legal professions proceeded in the manner of two ancient
vessels passing each other in the night. Each profession
tends to look on the issue from the viewpoint stamped upon
it by its respective mission. The lawyer looks
across the desk at a patient who complains about a mistake
in the provision of healthcare services. For that
patient (and the lawyer advising the patient) the question,
in practical terms, is whether money can be procured as
compensation from the medical insurance system. Or
whether the patient (of if the patient is dead, the relatives)
are obliged effectively to carry the burden for themselves
or to look to social security, private insurance, the family
or some other source to help them over the costs and disappointment
of the mistake that is said to have occurred. For
the patient or the family, the feelings may include a sense
of shock, disappointment and outrage of what they see as
a failing on the part of the medical professional involved.
But for the lawyer it is rarely this. For the lawyer,
the question is usually a pragmatic one. Against the
energetic defence typically put up by medical professional
insurance, can a cause of action be established that will
provide compensation and afford an element of loss distribution
in favour of the client? If it can, other patients,
through their medical fees, helping to fund indemnity insurance,
will contribute to the compensation recovered by the clients
where things are said to have gone wrong. They will
do so against the chance that, on some other occasion, they
might be in the same boat. Distributive justice will
be attained. The burden on the injured patient will
be ameliorated.
Healthcare professionals: In my experience,
medical practitioners rarely look on malpractice in this
way. For them, the issue is not distributive justice
but one of individual justice, including to the healthcare
professional involved. The allegation of professional
negligence is not only potentially costly. It is also
personally insulting. It is emotionally hurtful.
It tends to attract media coverage. It gets known
around the profession.
It is damaging to one's ego and practice. Defending
it is distracting and time-consuming. Knowing of the
devotion over long hours which the typical healthcare practitioner
gives in the highly personal world of medical care to patients
who are living and dying, and to their families, there is
a sense of irritation with the patient who makes a big thing
of what may be seen as a trivial, irrelevant or forgivable
mistake. Remembering all the many good things done
in a busy day, to devote so much effort to examining microscopically
a suggested error of action or advice in a half-remembered
incident months or possibly years earlier, seems completely
disproportional.
The feeling of grievance in the health professions
is inflamed by the tear-off promotions of New York attorneys.
Equally by the more discreet but determined efforts of other
plaintiffs' lawyers in other parts of North America, Europe,
Australasia and elsewhere. The sight of lawyers getting
rich on litigation that burdens the already hard-pressed
healthcare services, and the dwindling funds available for
such services, irritates most medical practitioners.
Moreover, they question the cost effectiveness, neutrality
and justice of the legal system by which chance and momentary
considerations can make the difference between a huge recovery
and rejection of the claim.
Debates such as I have outlined have their parallels
in every part of the world where the common law system of
recovery for torts (civil wrongs) and breach of contract
bring the two professions into litigious conflict.
As is usually the case, neither side has a monopoly of wisdom.
Each side makes valid points. Each party is voicing
reasonable perspectives. One lesson that is quickly
learned as a judge is that complex problems rarely yield
simple solutions. Justice, Janus-like, ordinarily
has a dual face. Discovering truth is often a highly
subjective exercise, the outcome to which depends upon one's
starting point. One lesson I have learned in national
and international discussions of workable strategies to
confront the HIV/AIDS epidemic may have some relevance.
Strategies that work must be based on sound empirical data,
not on intuition, emotion, assumptions or self-serving catch-cries.
In the design of law generally, and tort law reform in particular,
the noisiest lobby groups often win the ears of democratically
accountable lawmakers. But for solutions that are
well targeted and likely to be more enduring, it is essential
that pre-suppositions be replaced by fact and emotional
denunciations of one another substituted by calm dialogue
addressed to identifying objectively any real problems that
exist and weighing dispassionately the solutions that are
available to address such problems.
REASONS FOR THE
INCREASE
Law reform and empiricism: The starting
point for an empirical approach would be to find exactly
what has happened as a result of medical malpractice suits.
This is the approach which the Australian Law Reform Commission
took when I was chairman twenty years ago. Asked to
reform the law of criminal investigation, we were not content
to examine the statute books, judicial decisions, lobby
submissions and academic articles. We travelled in
the police cars. We watched the way confessions were
procured in the cells. We sought to understand the
problem from the point of view of investigating police,
criminal victims and defence attorneys. The result
was a highly influential report.
The same techniques were used in developing new laws on
many topics including debt recovery,
defamation
and so on. After my experience in institutional law
reform, I lost my taste for hyperbole. After twenty
five years as a judge, I have no more enthusiasm for quick
fix solutions for legal problems presented by partisan interests.
Getting at the true facts: To evaluate
the conflict of world view presented by the two opinions
with which I began these comments, it will be essential
to get down into the engineroom of medical and legal practice
to find what is actually happening:
§
To see if, in hospitals
and doctors' surgeries, current law is actually causing
"defensive medicine" and what precisely this means
beyond telling patients exactly what they are in for;
§
To elucidate the exact extent to which insurance
premiums are actually driving out practitioners, and if
so in what number. To be certain that the causative
factor is not something else and that such premiums cannot
be (and are not) passed on to patients generally;
§
To discover if it is the
threat of medical suits that creates the "crisis"
of doctors in rural areas as claimed or whether that crisis
is just an aspect of the general drift of populations from
country towns to the city lights;
§
To explore whether, given
that on any view some malpractice actions are justifiable,
it is the margin of unjustifiable legal actions which is
having deleterious consequences or simply general professional
malaise for which legal proceedings are a popular scapegoat;
§
To examine whether (as
is sometimes claimed) medical defence organisations and
insurers reflect the culture of the profession they indemnify
and seek to vindicate the medical practitioner rather than
to settle a case economically before costs have been run
up and anger raised on both sides;
and
§
To examine the practices
of plaintiffs' attorneys to decide where the line may be
drawn between drumming up wholly meritless cases or promoting
objectionable forms of litigious blackmail (on the one hand)
and legitimate help and support for comparatively powerless
patients (on the other) so that, where justified, such patients
can seek to vindicate their rights and recover damages for
compensation and solatium.
Understanding the changing law: Finding
the facts of this kind, elusive as that would be, addresses
but one consideration that explains the growth of medical
malpractice litigation. It is equally important to
consider trends in the decisions of the highest courts.
Such decisions fix the standards. Such standards are
observed and applied by courts of trial and of appeal.
But they reach further into the decisions made in offices
when clients ask an attorney whether they have a case.
They influence the lawyers' assessments of whether to bring
or defend a case. They also affect insurance evaluation,
and the decisions of medical defendants on whether they
will settle the case or fight it to the end.
Every country has its own nuances of law in this
area. Different countries have different modes of
trial. In most parts of Australia, jury trial of civil
claims has been abolished or is in decline; although occasionally
a case returns to emphasise the large scope left to the
jury where that mode of trial is still had.
Recent legal developments: Four related
developments have occurred in Australian law which find
parallels in other countries
and which expand the modern risks of medical malpractice
suits:
§
The so-called Bolam
privilege
has been rejected as part of the law. By the
Bolam test, the standard to be applied in malpractice
cases was that of the "ordinary skilled man (sic) exercising
and professing to have [the relevant] skill".
It was not the test of "the highest expert skill"
but only that of "an ordinary competent man".
In Australia, and several other countries, the law has moved
away from this surrender of a judgment about what was required
to the medical "peers" of the practitioner concerned.
It has substituted the assessment of the reasonable person
who will take into account (but not necessarily be governed
by) professional standards.
§
Connected with this line of authority is a
growing insistence on the importance of securing true consent
from the patient for any intrusive medical procedures.
Such principles, influenced by judicial decisions in Canada
and the United States,
demand that even remote risks, if they might have affected
the patient's decision, must be brought to the patient's
attention for decision. The failure to do so will
sometimes contribute to the imposition of liability, although
the measure of fault is small indeed.
§
A further area of liability
has concerned the extension of legal duties beyond the immediate
patient to others, such as an unborn child of a patient,
perhaps conceived in an unwanted pregnancy.
A still more recent case saw the imposition of a duty of
care on a medical practitioner to the de facto husband of
the patient. She attributed her HIV positive status
to sexual contact with her partner which, she said, would
not have occurred unprotected had she been warned of his
HIV status.
§
In another case, in somewhat
special circumstances and having regard to a local statutory
provision, a duty was imposed on a medical practitioner
to respond to a call to an emergency which, had he done
so, might have prevented profound injuries to a young patient
living nearby who was in the throes of an epileptic seizure.
These cases, and others outside the field of medical
negligence,
demonstrate the continuing rise of the imperial tort of
negligence. It has expanded beyond all recognition
from the days of Donoghue v Stephenson.
It is worth reflecting on the reasons for this expansion.
CAUSES OF CHANGE
The phenomenon of insurance: There could
be no denying the influence which systems of statutory insurance
in the fields of employer liability and motor car negligence
have had on the expansion of the tort of negligence.
The provision of schemes of compulsory insurance in those
fields contributed significantly to the growth of a specialised
section of the legal profession with particular expertise
and much enthusiasm for pushing forward negligence liability
generally. It should be no cause for surprise that
this push came to be felt in the field of medical negligence.
There, practical considerations rather than statutory obligations,
meant that a profession able to do so would ordinarily be
insured, as would the institutions in which, and with which,
that profession worked.
The demand for accountability: Beyond
this there is the consideration of public education and
community attitudes. No only are medical practitioners
under scrutiny and subject to criticism much more than they
were in times gone by. The same attitude reaches into
every section of society. It affects the judiciary,
the churches, the political leadership and even the Royal
Family. No one is now immune. Everyone is accountable.
This tide is unlikely to turn. Consciousness of rights
is much more clearly established. It is now served
by a legal profession most of whose members share the attitude
that wrong-doers should be rendered answerable in the courts
which belong to all people and not just to the wealthy.
Evidence of error and malpractice: In
the particular field of healthcare, there are many contemporary
studies which demonstrate that error is relatively common.
Redress is comparatively rare, occasionally necessary and
sometimes fully justifiable.
There is growing evidence that mistakes having serious
consequences do occur in medical practice. Because
of the nature of healthcare, mistakes often have extremely
serious results for the patient and the patient's family.
The Head of the Clinical Risk Unit at University College
London, Dr Charles Vincent, was reported in December
1999 as estimating, on the basis of an empirical survey,
that up to 40,000 patients a year in Britain die as a result
of medical error. This is about four times more than
die from all other types of non-deliberate civil wrongs.
The report also studied non-fatal errors in drug prescription
and infections which are said to affect 280,000 people in
the United Kingdom each year with an annual additional cost
of remedial care of £730 million in England alone.
Dr Vincent's results were not dissimilar to those
produced a few weeks earlier, published by the Kellogg Foundation
concerning experience in the United States.
That report concluded that 70% of the errors (and 155,000
deaths) in that country resulting from medical misfeasance,
were avoidable.
Even if one were to discount these cases significantly for
patients and their families who were philosophical about
their fate, it cannot be denied that in many such cases
legal proceedings for negligence and breach of contract
would be completely justifiable. Such proceedings
would sanction the losses of particular patients.
They might also instil a greater measure of responsibility
and reinforce professional efforts to ensure accountability.
In addition to these studies, there are countless
reports supporting the need for particular care to avoid
misdiagnosis. Some such studies are published by medical
experts.
Others are written by patients who took the precaution of
securing a second medical opinion.
Because of numerous headlines calling medical error to public
notice,
governments and their advisers are now much more aware than
they were in earlier times of the fallibility of medical
diagnosis and treatment and the justification of facilitating
legal redress in at least serious cases. Even Eleanor
Roosevelt, we now read, may have been a victim of misdiagnosis
and mistreatment in her last days.
If it could happen to her, it could happen to anyone.
A democratic society is not likely to tolerate a legal system
which denies a remedy to such people, at least in serious
cases. Such denial would be viewed as sanctioning
an unjustifiiiable assignment of the economic burden of
medical error, a failure to afford effective legal stimulus
to the careless individual and to provide systemic remedies
necessary to prevent such errors from recurring.
REMEDIAL ACTION
What can be done to respond effectively to the complaints
about the current law of civil remedies in a way that attempts
to meet the concerns of the reasonable critics whilst affording
relief to those who suffer because of serious avoidable
mistakes in the provision of proper healthcare?
§
Accident Compensation:
The most radical solution is to abolish tort recovery
by statute and to replace it by a comprehensive system of
exclusive monetary compensation for all "personal injuries
by accident". This is the measure that was adopted
by the Parliament of New Zealand following the Woodhouse
Report.
It built upon earlier schemes for workers' compensation
benefits dependent upon compulsory insurance paid by employers.
In some jurisdictions, such schemes have abolished tort
claims for work injuries, making statutory compensation
the exclusive remedy against an employer for all industrial
accidents.
In various countries this model, in turn, gave rise to the
abolition or modification of tort claims for motor vehicle
accidents. It substituted no fault benefits for the
victims of such accidents based on statutory provisions
allowing for weekly payments and lump sum entitlements.
In New Zealand, in 1974, Parliament went a step further.
It swept aside tort remedies in all personal accident cases.
It seems that a decision was originally taken that medical
misadventure should be excluded from the Act.
However, some cases of medical error are now covered.
To overcome the criticism that inclusion of such cases removed
deterrence to healthcare providers, provision was later
made for no claim bonuses and specific contributions from
them to the fund in accordance with experience rating.
The great inducement of the New Zealand
scheme was that it cut down the extremely expensive costs
of delivering the compensation dollar by way of tort litigation.
However, accident compensation of this kind has many critics.
Fiscal constraints have limited the growth of benefits in
New Zealand in proportion cost of living changes.
Borderline cases of entitlement have proved troublesome.
Some critics have taken a more fundamental objection.
"Privileged treatment for victims of accidents is difficult
to justify in general grounds, and can be explained only
as a pragmatic substitution for the former tort liability".
Why, for example, should there be public compensation for
victims of accidents but not to those disabled by disease
or illness? A scheme similar to the Woodhouse law
was proposed for Australia in 1974.
However, it was not enacted. Although it still has
supporters within Australia, the prospects for such fundamental
and national reform now seem "dim".
Since 1974, a further complication has intervened in Australia.
At least in the case of persons who enjoy a common law right
to compensation, it is now questionable whether the Federal
Parliament could abolish such a right without affording
those affected "just terms" as promised by the
constitutional provision limiting acquisition of property
under federal law.
§
No fault legislation:
Because similar political and constitutional problems
would have to be faced in many democratic countries, it
seems unlikely, at least in the short term, that comprehensive
national compensation will replace the tort system.
But specific no fault schemes will continue to be enacted
by legislatures around the world. But, as in the past,
it is probable that these will be confined to motor vehicles
and industrial injury cases.
Yet there is no reason in principle why a specific statutory
scheme could not be adopted in respect of medical negligence.
Nevertheless, to deprive an individual of established civil
rights would have to run the gauntlet of constitutional
provisions and human rights requirements. At least
in Europe, the latter are having an ever-increasing impact
in this area of discourse.
The moves in New Zealand, designed to ensure that healthcare
providers contribute specially to the accident compensation
fund, suggests that, in democracies, the lawmakers would
be resistant to providing special immunities. Only
the strongest possible arguments based on an intolerable
blowout in litigation, a crushing burden of premiums that
could not be deflected, established proof of undesirable
consequences in medical practice, and unacceptable distortions
to the healthcare system generally
would seem likely to produce such a result. Yet democracy
is a strange system of government. It can sometimes
respond to loud voices and powerful lobbies. But in
this area the relevant lobbies will generally tend to cancel
each other out.
§
Capping damages:
The introduction by legislation of semi-arbitrary limits,
or "caps", on the recovery of damages in particular
cases has been a feature of lawmaking in many countries.
In Australia and elsewhere statutory "caps" on
the recovery of non-financial heads of damage have been
introduced in legislation covering motor car injuries, employment
accidents and dust diseases claims.
Such caps can occasionally be quite severe. Effectively,
they shift a proportion, or the whole, of former legal entitlements
to compensation to the person claiming to be the victim
of a legal wrong. In some jurisdictions of the United
States (eg California) the capping of damages and the introduction
of annuities and periodic payments for verdicts over a given
threshold, together with restrictions on contingency fees,
have had a significant effect on medical malpractice suits.
Thus, the premium for liability insurance for obstetricians
in California is now said to be $US40,000 whereas in Florida,
a State where no such reforms have been enacted, the premiums
are said to be $US152,000 a year.
Such legislation, particularly if introduced to protect
a special category of defendants, would in many jurisdictions
have to run the gauntlet of constitutional requirements
and human rights scrutiny.
§
Governmental subventions:
Sometimes remedies to particular problems concerning
malpractice suits can be afforded without actual change
in tort law. Thus, in New South Wales, Australia,
in 1998 the specific concerns affecting obstetricians and
gynaecologists in the Sydney area, said to be facing threats
to the viability of their practices by reason of litigation
risk and premium increase, resulted in governmental intervention.
The State Treasury Managed Fund reportedly agreed to offer
cover for services for public patients. These constituted
more than 90% of the patients at risk.
Legal liability law remained the same. But some of
the risk was shifted to government rather than to prospective
patients and their families.
§
Risk management:
Another remedy is the introduction of closer attention
to risk management both by healthcare professionals and
their insurers. A systemic problem of tort law recovery
is that, in practice, court decisions and settlements often
resolve individual cases without necessarily having much
of an impact on matters of practice and on preventing recurrences
of error. Drawing inferences from particular cases
for risk management is an important obligation of modern
professional people, their insurers and professional organisations.
A report in Annals of Internal Medicine in December
1999
concerned a study of malpractice cases. The authors
asked the question: why patients sue? The reason
discerned was that "patients often form unrealistic
expectations because their physicians fail to discuss treatment
alternatives".
The authors of the study recommended immediate disclosure
of errors to patients and their families and thorough discussion
with them about the results and the steps being taken to
prevent recurrence of error. Whilst lawyers and insurers
might have hesitations about this advice, the authors of
the study at Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine
suggested that such candour, and if appropriate an apology,
diminishes the risk of litigation.
§
In-house Ombudsman:
Listening to the complaints of patients concerning the
current system of tort remedies for medical malpractice
makes it clearer that what is now in place is often very
stressful, uncertain, highly expensive and a real ordeal
for the average person without necessarily securing a commensurate
improvement in medical standards. The average claimant
will often already be upset by whatever has happened in
the healthcare system, whether or not legal liability exists.
To add to that burden the rigours of litigation can be a
cruel and unusual punishment. Lawyers tend to take
the system for granted. It is essential that they
try to see it through the eyes of the inexperienced and
unfamiliar. The same can be said about the predicament
of healthcare professionals who commonly find our legal
system inefficient, humiliating and expensive, both in time
and emotional terms, even where they are represented by
lawyers retained by medical insurance and even where they
win.
A reflection on these hard realities
should propel us all to explore more low key, approachable,
inexpensive, conciliatory, in-house remedies for complaints
of medical or healthcare malpractice. This has been
done in the Netherlands where every hospital and public
healthcare system has established procedures that are easily
accessible and patient-friendly.
The result is that litigation in that country is only a
fraction of that in other countries of Europe, not to mention
the countries of the common law. In my view, professional
insurance bodies and other professional organisations should
be urgently examining these options. They could not
replace all malpractice litigation. But one is driven
to the conclusion that the establishment of relatively generous
and sympathetic alternatives to tort actions would be less
of burden on individual healthcare professionals and
patients and on the public and private purse. But
is there the will , the imagination and self-interest to
take such initiatives?
§
Case management:
In addition to the foregoing initiatives, it is essential
for courts to streamline their processes in medical malpractice
cases. Doing so will help promote mediation and court
referred alternative dispute resolution where this is appropriate.
In one jurisdiction of Australia, a special list and specialised
judges deal with such cases efficiently. They can
group proceedings involving common parties. They can
facilitate the reception of reliable expert evidence and
more easily differentiate reliable testimony from unreliable.
One innovation of importance to hard pressed medical witnesses
has been the growing use of telephone and video conference
facilities in respect of certain testimony
THE FUTURE
The defects of the present way by which most countries
of the common law deliver redress to the victims of medical
misadventure are well established.
Equally plain are the defects of most of the alternative
systems on offer. Suggestions that particular professional
groups should enjoy legal immunity from suit for their errors
adversely affecting other citizens would appear to fall
on increasingly deaf ears. At least this seems so
as far as the courts are concerned. To the contrary,
the trend of recent authority in the United Kingdom,
Australia,
the United States
and elsewhere has been to extend liability and to reduce
immunities, even where these were formerly provided by the
law. Advocates, and in parts of the United States,
even judges are now being held professionally liable for
errors revealing incompetence. So the trend of the
common law seems to be running against immunity.
If such immunity against suit for medical malpractice
protection is to be provided, it will therefore probably
have to come from the legislature. Courts can reconsider
the scope of negligence liability. They can improve
their procedures. They can offer determinative dispute
resolution. But it seems unlikely that they will enlarge
the immunities.
In most countries the introduction of national compensation
schemes, to abolish tort liability altogether, now appears
unlikely. But other statutory relief is available
and has been tried. However, to make out a good claim
for it, strong empirical justification is necessary.
Angry words by doctors and lawyers will ordinarily not be
enough. Generalities will usually leave the lawmakers,
and the community, unmoved.
The dialogue on this issue between lawyers and healthcare
providers, between plaintiffs and defendants, between Law
Societies and Medical Colleges and between politicians and
citizens will continue. But the foundation for successful
future strategies lies in a lesson which reformers can learn
from the techniques of medical research rather than from
the law's technique of verbal rhetoric. It lies not
in expostulation but in painstaking empirical studies and
statistical data. Lessons can be learned from those
countries that have introduced improved systems of conciliation
and compensation which are cheaper, quicker and less traumatic.
But unless healthcare professionals make out a compelling
case for change, it seems likely that, in most parts of
the world, negligence will continue its imperial expansion.
As with other imperial forces in the past, there will be
more beneficiaries. And there will be further victims.